Staunton, October 31 – Roman Silantyev, a Russian professional on Islam regularly cited through means of Western writers but infamous amongst Russian Muslims for his assaults on Islam, says that Mufti Nafiigulla Ashirov, through means of coming out in help of the sufferer of dedovshchinawho killed eight of his persecutors, is creating “a Columbine cult” (golosislama.com/news.php?id=37472).
By suggesting that the Muslim network ought to get behind the soldier in query only simply due to the fact he's a Muslim, the professional says, the mufti dangers provoking Orthodox Christians to do the similar and to finish that any assault through means of a Muslim on an ethnic Russian is that of the Islamic State. Such issues ought to no longer be allowed (ng.ru/faith/2019-10-31/100_mufty3110.html).
Even extra mainstream commentators, like Andrey Melnikov, who edits NG-Religii, entitles his article about Ashirov’s statements, “The Mufti has Spoken on Behalf of the Soldier-Murderer,” and quotes Silantyev. But Melnikov a minimum of makes clean precisely what the mufti stated and why.
The head of the Muslim Spiritual Directorate (MSD) of Asiatic Russia merely appealed to Muslims to gather cash to assist pay for a attorney for Ramil Shamsutdin and invited them to go to Shamsutdin’s folks within the Tyumen oblast village the place they stay so as to present “solidarity.”
Ashirov is typically attacked within the Russian media for his outspokenness. But on this case, it seems that any assaults like these of Silantyev are uncalled for. The Siberian mufti merely behaved simply due to the fact the chief of a devout organisation is meant to when certainly one of its members is in trouble. That, however, is just too a lot for a few Russians.
Staunton, October 31 – According to a brand new VTsIOM ballot conducted ahead of National Unity Day, 54 percentage of Russians say that there's no longer any nationwide unity within the Russian Federation, in contrast to only 37 percentage who assert the contrary. Those who stay in Moscow and St. Petersburg are extra probably than others to word a scarcity of unity.
Thirty percentage say that the motive for therefore little unity is that “each is out for himself.” Others stated that radical sales differentiation between wealthy and poor is to blame, whereas nonetheless others stated there's no longer any nationwide unity simply due to the fact Russians don't have any widespread objective (wciom.ru/index.php?id=236&uid=9978).
Staunton, October 31 – Only 50 percentage of Russians now stay within the metropolis or village wherein they have been born, far decrease than at any level of their nationwide history, according to VTsOM ballot effects revealed today. Men are a bit extra probably to have moved than women, and younger of us tremendously extra probably than these in older cohorts (wciom.ru/index.php?id=236&uid=9976).
The survey also discovered that 04-Jan of all Russians at the moment are considering about shifting to one other location and that amongst these between 25 and 34, the share rises to 40 percent. Russians named St. Petersburg their appreciated destination with 15 percentage saying they would desire to transfer there. Only eight percentage indexed Moscow simply due to the fact the place they needed to move.
Among citizens of the NULL capitals, VTsIOM reports, 84 percentage say they don't desire to transfer anyplace else, though possibly a few of them special surveys mean would desire to transfer from these towns to international countries. Respondents stated they have been influenced to transfer through means of unemployment, a upper essential of dwelling and a extra favorable climate.
Commenting on these effects for Nezavisimaya gazeta, Natalya Zubarevich, an financial geographer on the Russian Academy of Economics and State Service, stated that Russians had moved within the 1990s, mainly simply due to the fact they have been coming from the now independent former Soviet republics (ng.ru/economics/2019-10-30/4_7715_migration.html).
She stated that St. Petersburg is extra well-liked as a destination than Moscow now simply due to the fact earning within the NULL towns aren't that special however the rate of dwelling in Moscow is way higher. Zubarevich stated that NULL areas are agony from very excessive charges of outmigration: the Far North and the Far East the place salaries are excessive but jobs scarce, and areas no longer too removed from the NULL capitals.
The latter contain “almost all the Volga area (except Tatarstan), Mordvinia, and Ryazan and Saratov oblasts. These federal matters discover it difficult to cling citizens who can most surely transfer to the capitals. The depopulation of a lot of Russia started in Soviet times. Some components are resisting but most comply with this average pattern.
Staunton, October 31 – Because of their history, Kazakhs in sharp distinction to most of the special post-Soviet nations, have through means of no means built a full-fledged nationalism, but they desperately needs to achieve this now, Kenzhe Tatilya says, or they won’t be capable to remedy the issues they now face and even guarantee that their nation and state will survive.
The Kazakhstan political commentator says that Vladimir Putin proudly declares that he's a Russian nationalist, but many Kazakhs, like a few special non-Russians, are afraid to do the similar about their peoples. This is more, he suggests than only a query of Quod licet Jovi, non licet bovi (camonitor.kz/33821-nuzhen-li-nam-kazahskiy-nacionalizm-esli-da-to-kakoy.html).
In most places, Taatilya says, the philosophy of nationalism served simply due to the fact the catalyst for processes which ended in the appearance of latest state formations. But in Kazakhstan, the leading issue has been special and Kazakh nationalism “did no longer turn into a key motivating thing which made you can the appearance of Kazakh statehood.”
The causes for this are historical, the commentator continues. While a few Kazakhs have talked about nations and nationalism, in nearly no case did they permit by myself the society they hoped to allure to settle for nationalism as a doctrine and e-book for action. Even the Alash Orda restricted itself to needs for autonomy.
However unusual it will probably seem, “the most robust outburst of Kazakh nationalism” have been the occasions of 1986. “But even then, these December occasions didn't turn into for our ethnos a second of truth” and didn't achieve “an all nationwide character” or sell “the consolidation of the Kazakhs as a nation.”
A yr or NULL later, with the appearance of glasnost, nationwide movements worth of the title arose in Lithuania, Georgia and elsewhere, Tatilya says; but back no longer in Kazakhstan. The republic’s acquisition of independence was no longer the outcome of a nationwide motion but highly anything else, the cave in elsewhere of the empire.
After 1991, “all movements of a nationalist variety in our nation got here to nothing,” a pattern a few clarify through means of the cruel regulations of the regime and others through means of the calculations in regards to the existence of extra than one nation int eh nation and the absence of a charismatic chief who might also just think rate of a actual nationwide movement.
But Tatilya says there are three severe causes which are typically ignored, causes that in and of themselves present why Kazakhs ought to now kind a nationwide movement. First, “we Kazakhs even now haven't absolutely shaped as a nation within the generally authorised meaning of that term.” Instead, the Kazakhs haven't been capable to “overcome survivals of ordinary society.”
Second, Kazakhs remained mired within the post-colonial syndrome even 30 years after gaining independence and nonetheless blame everybody but themselves for his or her problems. And third, they lack a longstanding culture of state independence that might also just serve simply due to the fact the foundation for nationalism as generally understood.
Today, Tatilya argues, Kazakhs desperately desire a nationalism of their very own and “for one easy reason: Until political nationalism takes form of their country, “all our latest issues will stay in a state of permanent irresolution,” adding identity, language modernization, conceptualization of history, and overcoming the post-colonial syndrome.
But even these aren’t the most important motive for running to grow Kazakh nationalism, he concludes. Instead, it's this: a nation missing such political nationalism “cannot but generate emotions of leading issue about our future.”